警惕卢旺达种族屠杀卷土重来

Twenty years on, the debate about the Rwandan genocide in which up to a million people lost their lives still reverberates. The question of why Rwandans did this to each other and why the world stood by remains bitterly contested.

20年前，多达100万人在卢旺达大屠杀中丧生；20年后，关于它的辩论仍在回响。卢旺达人为何自相残杀？为何世界袖手旁观？这两个问题依然是激辩的焦点。

What is not in doubt is that over a period of 100 days the most widespread horrific massacre of modern times took place as the victims perished, mostly killed by hand with machetes. And even as that history is still fought over, an even angrier, more contemporary dispute rages about the nature of today’s government that first took power in the genocide’s aftermath.

但毫无争议的是，在为期100天的时间内，发生了现代历史上蔓延最广的一次恐怖大屠杀，受害者大多数是被砍刀砍死。就在那段历史仍深陷争论之际，一场更为激烈、更为现代的争议正在上演，争议的主题是如何评价大屠杀后首次掌权的现政府的性质。

Has it brought reconciliation, stability and recovery? Or merely substituted a new Tutsi minority for the ruthless Hutu regime that preceded it? Rwanda, and these questions, fundamentally influenced my years at the top of the UN. Five years after the killings, I joined the UN as head of its development agency, UNDP. Helping President Paul Kagame and his government overcome the legacy of lost life, lost capacity and lost growth was a permanent priority.

它带来了和解、稳定和复苏？还是说，它只是用占人口少数的图西族的政权，代替了之前冷酷的胡图族政权？卢旺达和上面这些问题对我在联合国(UN)高层任职的数年产生了根本影响。大屠杀5年后，我加入联合国任开发计划署(UNDP)署长。帮助卢旺达总统保罗•卡加梅(Paul Kagame)及其政府克服生命、生产力和经济增长损失带来的遗留影响，曾是我的长期工作重点。

Among all of us there was a sense of exceptional obligation and reparation to a country that had been deserted at its moment of need by a UN Security Council that had simply lacked the courage to act. The world looked the other way. President Bill Clinton and Kofi Annan (then head of UN peacekeeping, before becoming secretary-general) have both eloquently acknowledged this.

面对这样一个曾被遗弃的国家，我们所有人都怀有一种特殊的责任感，特别想去补偿它。卢旺达在需要联合国安理会(UN Security Council)干预之际，后者却完全缺乏行动的勇气。国际社会也对卢旺达视而不见。美国总统比尔•克林顿(Bill Clinton)和科菲•安南（Kofi Annan，当时主管联合国维和行动，尚未成为联合国秘书长）都痛快承认了这一点。

In Mr Kagame, I and others had a rigorously focused development partner. Per capita incomes have more than doubled since 1995 and growth has recently been a robust 8 per cent a year. This small country of 11.3m people has a disciplined leadership that many of its neighbours lack.

对于我和其他人而言，卡加梅是个极为专注的发展合作伙伴。卢旺达人均收入自1995年以来翻了一番还多，近来经济每年增速达到8%，十分强劲。这个有1130万人口的小国拥有一个自律的领导层，这是它的许多邻国所不具备的。

The trouble is that a government that deliberately prioritised development and inter-ethnic concord above its citizens’ freedoms, as an antidote to the environment of Hate Radio and rampant populism that triggered the events of 20 years ago, now does not know how to slacken its grip. As the range of government opponents grows, the crackdowns become more severe.

问题在于，为了化解“仇恨电台”(Hate Radio)和民粹主义猖獗的环境（它是20年前大屠杀的导火索），卢旺达政府刻意将发展和民族和睦置于公民自由之上，结果是它如今不知道如何放松掌控。随着反政府的势力不断成长，镇压变得愈加严厉。

Mr Kagame’s former intelligence chief Patrick Karegeya, who had accused him of dictatorial tendencies, was found dead – allegedly assassinated – in South Africa at the beginning of this year and Rwanda has a 20-year history of incursions into the neighbouring Democratic Republic Congo in pursuit of Hutu rebels. The details are contested by Mr Kagame who regularly denies his government’s involvement in such matters. But a regime that was born out of its heroic resistance to genocide has descended to one that is preoccupied with survival.

卡加梅的前情报部长帕特里克•卡雷盖亚(Patrick Karegeya)曾批评前者有独裁倾向，他今年初被发现死在南非，据称是遭暗杀。卢旺达过去20年屡次侵入邻国民主刚果，追剿胡图族叛军。这些细节受到卡加梅的驳斥，他屡次否认他的政府卷入此类事件。然而，这个当初脱胎于对大屠杀的英勇抵抗的政权，已沦为一个只关注自身存亡的政权。

The wider ramifications continue. The stain of Rwanda was the impetus for much of the demand for the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect or R2P. This doctrine, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2005, insists that when a government commits major crimes against its own people the world should try and stop it. In that sense, too, Rwanda’s legacy was misused. The doctrine has been stretched and twisted to justify interventions in Iraq and Libya.

更深远的影响还在持续。卢旺达的污点促使许多人呼吁建立“保护责任”(Responsibility to Protect)原则。联合国大会(UN General Assembly)于2005年通过了这项原则，它主张当一国政府对本国人民犯下重大罪行时，国际社会应当努力阻止。但在这方面，卢旺达的遗产却遭到滥用。该原则被拓展和扭曲，为干预伊拉克和利比亚正名。

When I moved from the development side of the UN to its political operations as Mr Annan’s deputy, the shadow of Rwanda came with me. If there was an abiding lesson for me of what had happened earlier in Rwanda, it was that UN officials had sleepwalked into catastrophe. In vain, UN colleagues in the field called the alarm. Their words fell on the deaf ears of officials in the rut of UN routine. When my turn came to be the New York point person for UN operations in difficult places I made my colleagues wear green wrist bands bearing the words “Never Again”. Whether it was Darfur or elsewhere we sought to ensure that there would not be another Rwanda.

当我从联合国发展部门调动至政治部门担任安南副手时，卢旺达的阴影仍伴随着我。如果说卢旺达的经历给我带来了什么永恒教训的话，那便是联合国官员在梦游中走向灾难。联合国驻卢旺达的同事曾发出过警告，但徒劳无功。墨守联合国刻板流程的官员们对他们的警告置若罔闻。当我成为联合国总部主管在困难地区行动的负责人时，我让同事们戴上写有“Never Again”（绝不要重蹈覆辙）字样的绿腕带。不论是达尔富尔还是别处，我们都努力确保卢旺达的覆辙不会被重蹈。

Yet events in Sri Lanka five years ago or in the Central African Republic today show that genocide has not been consigned to history. The Rwandan genocide may have once tugged at our conscience but the debate since over its causes and consequences – and over the resulting doctrines of intervention – has blurred our outrage. We and Rwandans need to demand of leaders everywhere: Never Again. I still wear my wrist band.

但5年前斯里兰卡和今天中非共和国发生的事件表明，种族屠杀尚未成为历史。卢旺达大屠杀或许曾经刺痛过我们的良心，但之后对其原因和结果的争论——以及对随之而来的干预原则的争论——稀释了我们的愤怒。我们以及卢旺达人有必要要求各国领导人：绝不要重蹈覆辙。我现在仍然戴着我的腕带。