美国地缘战略大师布热津斯基去世

If the template for the job of White House national security adviser had been written in the 1970s, two men, Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, would have served as the models. Both were born in central Europe, had distinguished academic credentials, impeccable political connections and wrote extensively about the state of the world. And both were able to practice what they preached in print as the right hand men of the occupant of the Oval office.

如果白宫国家安全顾问的职责模板是在上世纪70年代写就的，亨利?基辛格(Henry Kissinger)和兹比格涅夫?布热津斯基(Zbigniew Brzezinski)两人或许就是这一模板的样板。两人都出生在欧洲中部，都有出类拔萃的学术资质、无懈可击的政治人脉，都在全球局势问题上著述颇丰。此外，他们都曾担当椭圆形办公室(Oval office)主人的得力助手，得以将他们在文字中宣扬的理念付诸实践。

Brzezinski, who has died at the age of 89, was far from his predecessor’s doppelganger, but his record in office can stand fair comparison. On his watch, under President Jimmy Carter, the US normalised relations with China, severing ties with Taiwan in the process, signed the Salt Two arms treaty with the Soviet Union, brought Egypt and Israel together in the Camp David accords and concluded the Panama Canal treaty, ceding control to Panama. In each decision he was an influential player.

刚刚去世、享年89岁的布热津斯基，生前远非另一个基辛格（基辛格是他的前任），但他在白宫取得的成绩可以说不输基辛格。在他担任吉米?卡特(Jimmy Carter)总统的国家安全顾问期间，美国实现了与中国关系的正常化、并在这一过程中切断了与台湾的联系，还与苏联签署了《第二阶段限制战略武器条约》(Salt II)，撮合埃及和以色列共同签署了《戴维营协议》(Camp David Accords)，并达成《巴拿马运河条约》(Torrijos–Carter Treaties）、放弃了对巴拿马运河的控制。在每一个决定中，布热津斯基都是有影响力的参与者。

On the downside, the US was caught flatfooted by the Khomeini revolution in Iran, allowing the deposed Shah refuge in the US, which eventually led to the Iran hostage crisis, a factor in Mr Carter’s election defeat in 1980. Brzezinski was also instrumental in arming the Afghan mujahideen after the Soviet invasion of 1979, a policy that came back to haunt the US two decades later (to prove his point, flamboyantly, he was photographed in the Khyber Pass pointing a rifle across the border).

而从失败的一面来说，伊朗的霍梅尼(Khomeini)革命令美国措手不及。美国允许被废黜的伊朗沙阿（伊朗君主）在美国避难，最终引发了伊朗人质危机，这是导致1980年卡特竞选失败的一个因素。美国在1979年苏联入侵阿富汗后帮助武装阿富汗圣战者组织(Mujahideen)，布热津斯基也是这件事的重要促成者（当时，布热津斯基为了表明自己的观点，曾在开伯尔山口(Khyber Pass)拍下一张嚣张的照片，照片中他将一枝步枪对准边境线那边）。然而20年后，这一政策却反过来给美国带来挥之不去的噩梦。

From their White House vantage point, both men had notoriously poor relations with the state department, respectively headed by William Rogers and Cyrus Vance, whom they viewed as staid and unimaginative. Vance eventually resigned in protest over the abortive hostage rescue mission in 1980, an operation Brzezinski actively supported.

在担任国家安全顾问时，基辛格和布热津斯基与美国国务院的关系都是出了名的糟糕——两人对应的国务卿分别是威廉?罗杰斯(William Rogers)和赛勒斯?万斯(Cyrus Vance)，这两位国务卿在两人看来古板而缺乏想象力。万斯最终在1980年辞职，抗议布热津斯基积极支持、却最终失败的人质营救行动。

But both Kissinger and Brzezinski were known for their world views and doctrines, seeing the globe as a global chess board around which the US and USSR moved pieces. No national security adviser since them has had the temerity to venture so far, preferring roles as the facilitators of policies rather than as their intellectual authors.

不过，基辛格和布热津斯基都以其世界观和信条闻名于世，他们将全球视为一个美国和苏联对弈的大棋盘。在他们之后，再没有哪位国家安全顾问敢如此冒险——这些后辈宁愿扮演政策的推进者，而不是政策的设计师。

Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski, born in Warsaw on March 28, 1928, was much influenced by his upbringing. His family was Polish nobility and his father, Tadeusz, a diplomat posted to Berlin, Moscow and finally Canada. From the first two of those postings the son had indelible first-hand experiences of the rise of Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin’s notorious purges.

兹比格涅夫?卡齐米日?布热津斯基(Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski)于1928年3月28日出生在华沙。他的家庭环境对他影响很大。他出身于波兰贵族家庭，父亲塔德乌什(Tadeusz)是一位外交官，曾被派驻柏林、莫斯科，并最终被派驻加拿大。通过父亲的前两次外派经历，布热津斯基对阿道夫?希特勒(Adolf Hitler)的崛起和约瑟夫?斯大林(Josef Stalin)臭名昭著的大清洗有了难以磨灭的亲身体验。

Canada provided him refuge from the invasion of Poland in 1939 and the world war that first engulfed Europe. He was brought up in Montreal, educated at McGill University and subsequently moved through the finest American universities, including Harvard and Columbia, before his final association as a professor at Johns Hopkins. He became an American citizen in 1958.

1939年波兰遭到侵略，世界大战首先吞噬了欧洲，这时加拿大为他提供了庇护。他在蒙特利尔长大，在麦吉尔大学(McGill University)接受教育，然后又辗转去了哈佛(Harvard)和哥伦比亚(Columbia)等美国最好的大学，他的最后一份教职是在约翰?霍普金斯大学(Johns Hopkins University)担任教授。他于1958年成为美国公民。

Just as Dr Kissinger had hitched his star to Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York before gravitating to Richard Nixon, Brzezinski’s first important political connection was the Lyndon Johnson campaign in 1964. He then advised Hubert Humphrey four years later, but he struck pay dirt with the initially improbable presidential bid of Mr Carter, then a relatively obscure former southern governor from Georgia. The candidate’s intelligence and ambitions, allied to his inexperience in foreign policy, were the sort of clay which Brzezinski thought he could mould into a coherent global view.

正如基辛格博士在被吸引到理查德?尼克松(Richard Nixon)身边之前曾先效力于纽约州州长纳尔逊?洛克菲勒(Nelson Rockefeller)一样，布热津斯基的首次重要从政经历是在1964年辅助林登?约翰逊(Lyndon Johnson)竞选。4年后，他又担任了休伯特?汉弗莱(Hubert Humphrey)的顾问。但后来，他在起初看来没有胜算的卡特的总统竞选中发现了宝藏。当时，卡特还是鲜为人知的南方佐治亚州前州长。在布热津斯基看来，这位候选人的智识和抱负、加上他在外交政策领域欠缺经验，正是可以塑造出一套连贯全球观的那种“黏土”。

That, predictably, brought him into conflict with Vance, a diplomat of much distinction but one more inclined to find accommodations with Moscow than provoke it. The two worked well together on the Salt Two Treaty but too often the national security adviser’s impulsiveness rubbed the secretary of state up the wrong way. So did his habit of maintaining separate relations with the likes of Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet ambassador in Washington, independent of the state department.

可想而知，这导致他跟万斯发生了冲突。万斯是一位优秀的外交官，但他更愿意寻求跟莫斯科方面和解，而不是挑衅它。这两人在促成《第二阶段限制战略武器条约》过程中合作愉快，但有太多时候，国家安全顾问布热津斯基的冲动惹恼了国务卿万斯。布热津斯基习惯于跟苏联驻华盛顿大使阿纳托利?多勃雷宁(Anatoly Dobrynin)等人保持独立于国务院的单独关系，这也令万斯不快。

In another departure, hardly surprising given his own background and his president’s natural inclinations, Brzezinski placed human rights far higher up the policy agenda than had previously been the case. That constituted a significant departure from standard US policy, which tended to tolerate, as in General Pinochet’s Chile, human rights abuses in return for fealty to the US.

布热津斯基的另一背离传统之处在于（鉴于他的个人背景和他所效力的总统的天生偏好，这不令人意外），他把人权在政策议程中的地位提到比以往高得多的位置。这在很大程度上偏离了美国的标准政策。美国以往倾向于容忍侵犯人权现象——比如对待皮诺切特将军(General Pinochet)治下智利的态度——以换取对美国的忠诚。

After leaving office, he became, not unlike Dr Kissinger, a prolific commentator and author on foreign policy, but without ever quite achieving his predecessor’s level of access. He broke with the Democratic Party and endorsed President George H W Bush in 1988 and was critical of Bill Clinton’s long reluctance to intervene in the Balkans in the 1990s. But he was a fierce critic of the younger President Bush’s war in Iraq and fulsome in his praise of Barack Obama, even though he was never admitted into his policy circle.

卸任后，他成了一名多产的评论家和外交政策问题著述者，这一点跟基辛格博士差不多，但他从未取得像他前任那样的成功。1988年，他站到了民主党的对立面、支持当时的总统老布什(George H.W. Bush)。他还对比尔?克林顿(Bill Clinton)在上世纪90年代长期不愿干涉巴尔干局势提出了批评。但是，他猛烈抨击了小布什(George W. Bush)总统发动的伊拉克战争，热情洋溢地称赞巴拉克?奥巴马(Barack Obama)，尽管他从未被纳入奥巴马的政策圈子。

An engaging conversationalist and avid tennis player, he is survived by his wife, the sculptor Emilie Benes, two sons and a daughter, Mika, the TV news host, who announced his death on Friday.

布热津斯基谈吐风趣，酷爱打网球。他去世后留下了雕塑家妻子埃米莉?拜奈什(Emilie Benes)、两个儿子和女儿米卡(Mika)。周五，身为电视新闻主播的米卡宣布了她父亲的死讯。